Either the left is making up injustices where they do not exist, the argument goes, or they disregard evidence that social disparities are in fact grounded in scientific reality. A common refrain on the dark web is to debunk various left-of-center critiques by arguing that what appears to be systemic inequality is actually the result of individual choices or behavior. But not only do these thinkers oppose themself to “the left,” broadly speaking, they recycle the neoconservative indictment of “postmodernism” in order to explain why this left has been taken in by political correctness. But upon examination of the actual ideas put forward in defense of these values, these supposedly centrist crusaders against political correctness may have more in common with their conservative predecessors than they let on.
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I wrote a book about the Intellectual Dark Web (IDW) that was originally published in early 2024 by an academic publisher. The procedure is repeated five times with different training/test partitions, and the reported results are averages over the 5 test partitions. It is designed to be transparent and flexible, allowing users to explore word use in various forms. LIWC relies on decades of empirical research and provides specialized means to comprehend, elucidate, and quantify psychological, social, and behavioral phenomena.
This essay is the fourth in a series called “How This Happened,” examining larger trends in American political history and how they manifest in today’s politics. An insightful read both for followers of the IDW looking for a coherent and critical overview and for students of popular culture looking to understand this massive but decentralised popular intellectual movement. Using primarily podcasts and YouTube videos, a new generation of public intellectuals has appeared, loosely coalesced, and gained a vast global audience.
Jamie Q Roberts
It may be that, because of the dynamics in today’s intellectual and political marketplace, any commentator, media outlet, or group that opposes the illiberal left but doesn’t explicitly oppose far-right Trumpian populism in in danger of being co-opted by it.3 In a polarized political climate, the IDW attracted a base of primarily right-wing fans intensely hostile to all things “establishment.” To those fans, opposition to Trump, rejection of the “stolen election” lies, support for mainstream science and public health measures on COVID, and eventually even support for Ukraine in its defense against Russia’s war of aggression signaled betrayal and selling out. At the center of the unintellectual dark web, there are members pushing views that are outside of the mainstream, not because they threaten mainstream powers but because they are wrong. In recent years, a group has emerged that, while existing outside of the mainstream, represents the antithesis of the intellectual dark web. (Weinstein also coined the term “intellectual dark web”—which he has at various times described as a half-joke, but also a meticulously calibrated bit of mathematical genius.)
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Even people close to me have become completely confused. It was clearly inspired by satirical American and British shows about politics As a believer, I see signs that Christ is moving in the minds and hearts of secular intellectuals
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This is what I am calling a “dark conversation”. ” The social taboo, familial pressure, or in some locales, state sanctioned violence to not blurt out that line is strong enough to keep the lid on the outward expressions of atheism. The word “dark” is the one I want to focus on here. That was fine, I could get on board with that but was this IDW thing actually more than that, was it… an actual group of people? I got into private arguments defending the notion of this “club” as simply being a “mode of thinking” rather than some specific network of people. It was something that you might find scribbled in the borders of a notebook of the geeky boy who read a few too many Batman comics.
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Weiss' fellow New York Times columnist Paul Krugman argued there was an irony in claiming popular intellectual oppression by the mainstream while still publishing in the Times, among the most prominent newspapers in the nation. This includes "mainstream intellectuals" such as Steven Pinker alongside "cranks and show-offs" such as Milo Yiannopoulos and Alex Jones. Political scientist Daniel W. Drezner argues that the IDW contributes to polarization because of its need to appeal to a primarily right-wing audience, despite the political leanings of individual members. IDW commentators tend to dismiss issues of transgender rights and racial and gender inequality as the concerns of leftist "social justice warriors" while welcoming some gay men, such as Murray and Rubin, into their ranks. They often claim to have been unfairly treated by mainstream media and higher education institutions, which they say have been pressured into avoiding controversial topics. The first recorded usage of the term was on a 2017 episode of Sam Harris's podcast, when Weinstein used it to refer to a group of thinkers, including Weinstein and Harris, who used digital media to offer alternatives to mainstream media narratives.

Much of this audience is composed of young men for whom these entertaining take-downs of political correctness is their first exposure to “intellectual” discussions of politics and culture. Today, magazines like Current Affairs dedicate much of their content to debunking the claims of dark web figures while also addressing the limited effectiveness of “social justice warrior” politics. And if the often glowing portraits of the dark web in publications like The New York Times and The Atlantic are any indication, or Peterson’s appearance at this year’s Aspen Ideas Festival, many liberals seem to agree. The intellectual dark web appears with each passing day to be earning itself a place in the American conservative tradition. The ideas they claim to defend from politically correct opponents of truth are themselves a longstanding part of the United States’s conservative tradition.

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However, intellectual openness is not the only possible reason the dark web is flirting with the dark enlightenment. Still, she is obviously troubled by the new movement’s tendency to embrace right-wing conspiracists such as Pizzagate rumormonger Mike Cernovich, lite-alt-righter Milo Yiannopoulos, and the frothing conspiracy theorist Alex Jones. Today, contrarianism on race and gender is liable to get fierce pushback in the publications of mainstream liberalism. The New Republic — which Ta-Nehisi Coates has asserted had perhaps two black staff writers or editors in its heyday and was certainly overwhelmingly white — is now being edited by the leftist multicultural barbarians.

We’ve had, in essence, a two-party political system for the last 250 years, with some minor threats, most recently with Ross Perot in 1992. And so, if Duverger’s Law holds—I think that it does, the evidence suggests that it does—we are going to have a two-party political system for the foreseeable future. This is a political theory that says a first-past-the-post majoritarian electoral system, as we have in the United States, always leads to a two-party political system. And if you think about this position, it verges on the border of absurdity, a kind of tautological untruth. And my argument is that, in a sense, what they’re saying is that the people have no right to regulate their own government. We’re unwilling to use political power to regulate the state.
Harris referred to a number of IDWers as “erstwhile smart people” who now say that “the most qualified experts on many questions—whether you’re talking about what wars to fight or what medicines to give your kids—have been captured by sinister influences of power, or such comprehensively bad incentives, that basically everyone you should have been able to trust yesterday is now wrong about very important topics. While the group had once been united against what Harris calls “the woke mind virus”—which he says has infected institutions like science, academia, and journalism—Harris now says he’s confounded by certain behavior among that squad, such as fellow IDWer Bret Weinstein doing “a hundred episodes of his podcast in a row on the terrors of mRNA vaccines—and the sinister, shadowy cabal of people who have suppressed information about the life-saving power of ivermectin. The Intellectual Dark Web is a nickname for a group of people on the Internet. His journalistic writings have appeared in numerous publications in both English and French; and he has translated the authors Michel Foucault and Marcel Gauchet. In the 1990s, left and progressive thinkers including Richard Rorty, Cornel West, and Edward Said made clear their reservations about certain activist tactics, and articulated positions in line with the same universalist values neoconservatives claimed as their own.
It is no surprise that college students often experiment with activist projects that push the boundaries of liberal norms, and the members of the intellectual dark web are not the only people to have worried about the implications of some student rhetoric. The intellectual dark web is perhaps a silly name for the group of thinkers it describes, but the search for a novel term does point to the radical transformation of American politics in our current moment. But they should not indulge the intellectual dark web’s veneer of novelty or appeals to transpolitical reason. Though opposed to political “tribalism,” as one writer put it in the online magazine Quillette — the closest thing there is to a party organ of the dark web — the movement does tend to think of liberals, progressives, and leftists as its primary adversaries. In the face of the politically correct left, and to a lesser extent the neo-fascist alt-right, these thinkers aim to present themselves as defenders of “reason,” “truth,” and “facts.” This attachment to rational principles — not to parties or tribes — leads them at times to characterize themselves as a new political center.

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- Unlike the actual “dark web” of hidden online networks, this one requires no specialized software to be made accessible.
- Twenty-nine years after Laura Ingraham was the Times’s cover model, no one imagines that she is anything but a conventional Republican talking head.
- He notes that an IDW member’s analysis on current events will often run counter to mainstream media’s take, particularly left-leaning outlets.
- Either the left is making up injustices where they do not exist, the argument goes, or they disregard evidence that social disparities are in fact grounded in scientific reality.
- "The book was then investigated and it was determined that it could not return to sales in its current form."
Why some people are less susceptible to this mentality than others is a question that undoubtedly has multiple answers. The very framing, she wrote, implied that the featured “heretics” were huddling in dark corners or catacombs to exchange forbidden opinions; in Dreger’s view, it also valorized opinions over facts and easily lent itself to prioritizing “clicks, skirmishes, and dramatic photos at sunset”—a dig at the cringey pictures illustrating the article, which showed its protagonists in eerily dark forest settings, clearly meant to convey that there was something shadowy and forbidden about their activity. Bioethicist Alice Dreger, who left Northwestern University in 2015 with complaints about administrative censorship and has been targeted for campus protests over accusations of “transphobia,” refused Weiss’s invitation to be included in the IDW article for several reasons. Several people who got pulled into our orbit were bad actors from the beginning—Trumpist grifters and conspiracists—and a few of the original members got corrupted or revealed their truer, baser selves. Joe Rogan, whose massive audience and folksy just-asking-questions manner ensure that he can still book respectable guests, was prone to falling for the dumbest conspiracy theories long before the IDW was a gleam in Eric Weinstein’s eye.
The intellectual dark web (IDW) is a loose affiliation of academics and social commentators who oppose what they perceive as the influence of left-wing identity politics and political correctness in higher education and mass media. “That is why it is abundantly clear that the entire intellectual dark web movement is not an intellectual movement; it’s a movement around marketing and presentation style, combined with using the internet and social media. Recognizing that these dark web ideas are conservative might also help clear up space for people on the left of center who might share some criticisms of political correctness or campus activism without indulging the right-wing implications of these ideas. The intellectual dark web, which can be seen as a broad populist movement spanning the left and right, has been going on about identity politics and its postmodern roots for more than a decade. The IDW figures were hardly the only public intellectuals critical of the rise of illiberal progressivism in academia, social media, and mainstream journalism. In her 2018 article for the New York Times, “Meet the Renegades of the Intellectual Dark Web,” Bari Weiss described the intellectual dark web as “a collection of iconoclastic thinkers, academic renegades and media personalities who are having a rolling conversation … that sound unlike anything else happening, at least publicly, in the culture right now.”